Midterm elections are traditionally incredibly contentious and, as far as the two major parties are concerned, vital for advancing their platforms in the coming two years and beyond.

If your party has the presidency, holding majority in the House and Senate can sometimes give you carte blanche to control the political realities of the United States. If you party doesn’t hold the presidency, holding majority in either the House, Senate or both can give you the power to hold the president hostage to your party’s political whims.

The November’s election features probably one of the most high-stakes midterms in recent memory, with the Democrats approaching two years of “being in control” — with caveats (like Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema) and the Republicans attempting to regain the majorities in hopes of seizing the White House in 2024.

Up until June 24, I would have said, without question, that the Democrats were headed toward a polling massacre in November, with, as recently, as last month, polling indicating that 75 percent of Americans believing that the country is headed in the “wrong direction” under President Joe Biden.

However, on June 24, the U.S. Supreme Court sent shockwaves through the country’s politics with the decision to overturn, after 50 years, the Roe vs. Wade decision which established a federal right to abortion. Instead, now, states will have the final say in abortion law.

Will it be enough to save the Democrats, or are the party’s polling challenges far too much to overcome?

I guess that all depends. There’s little doubt the Democrats will wield the abortion decision as a rallying point, using it as a whipping post upon which Republican candidates will be tied.

The other strategy will be to seize upon Justice Clarence Thomas’ concurrent opinion, in which he took aim at decisions which established a right to contraception, to homosexual relationships and homosexual marriage. The strategy on that is s to paint a picture of a court which is intent on rolling back rights, possibly even affected by rights not connected to those earlier decisions.

Ultimately, however, the Democrats have a big problem. Major issues such as abortion tend to enter the mainstream consciousness for only a brief period. Those who believe strongly either way tend to stay on issues like that, but, for the general public, day-to-day issues tend to take precedence when they go to the polls.

And that’s where the Democrats’ weakness lies.

If the abortion issue doesn’t remain in the consciousness of the general public, then voters are likely to return to the issues dominating the consciousness prior to the Supreme Court’s decision — namely, the economy and the state of affairs. Let’s face it, it doesn’t look great for the Democrats on that front.

Near-$5 gas, shortages of essential products such as baby formula, and prices of everything rising may end up being much more decisive for many voters, which bodes very ill for Democrats.

Can the two sides round up their forces for the big “win?”

The two parties’ bases have absolutely been emboldened by recent events, with the hardcore on either side having more and more reason by the day to turn out to the polls. The question mark is and remains the center, the moderates.

Which side will persuade them more? Will the Democrats allegations of an encroaching attempt at theocracy hit home in the flyover states, or will those voters’ bank accounts make their decisions for them?

I never make the mistake of assuming I’ve correctly “read the room,” but I think it’s entirely probable that, in the four months between now and election day, the shock and awe of the abortion decision will wane, and that’s not how the Democrats win this.

Time will tell, however, and there’s plenty of shockwaves to be felt in this ongoing war that could turn the tide in either direction.

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